Munro et al. 1992: 154. Polysemy: 'all / every / everyone / completely'. "The word pay, meaning 'all', is often used in sentences referring to a lot of people, particularly if the dictionary does not list a separate plural form for the verb of the sentence" [Munro et al. 1992: 308]. Secondary synonyms: č=aːm ~ ča=aːm ~ č=uː=aːm ~ č=uːw=aːm 'all / a lot / every' [Munro et al. 1992: 59], kʷ=asent ~ kʷ=asiːnt ~ ku=siːnt ~ ku=sent 'each / every / all / the whole thing' (derived from ʔasent 'one') [Munro et al. 1992: 124], ɲa=kuː=pay 'every / all / only' [Munro et al. 1992: 146].
Cocopa:s=aːm2
Crawford 1989: 241-242. Glossed as 'be or do all or everything in regard to someone or something, do all or everything for someone'. Word class: transitive verb. 3rd person form: s=w=am (but =aː=s=ˈaːm for the benefactive meaning). Secondary synonyms: ɲ=m=aːm (impersonal intransitive verb) 'be only, all, just, almost, the end' [Crawford 1989: 181], and ɲ=k=wiɲ (intransitive verb) 'be complete, all, only, exclusively so' [Crawford 1989: 178]. Examination of contexts in [Crawford 1983] shows that s=aːm is the main synonym for 'to be all'. The meaning of the s= in s=aːm is not clear, but its prefixal nature is confirmed by the third person form s=w=am (third person prefix u=/w= occurs immediately before the root [Crawford 1966: 64]).
Yavapai:pˈay-a1
Shaterian 1983: 340, 530.
Jamul Tiipay:čam-ʎ̥ ~ ɲa=čˈam-ʎ̥2
Miller 2001: 29, 170, 174. Glossed as 'all / in its entirety' [Miller 2001: 170]. According to Miller, čamʎ̥ etymologically (but not synchronically) consists of stem čam and inessive case marker -ʎ̥ [Miller 2001: 29]. The word means both 'omnis' and 'totus', cf. the following examples: t̪iːpˈay pǝyˈa čamʎ̥ uːsˈawax-čuʔu 'Are we going to feed all these people?' [Miller 2001: 46], ...kʷakpˈu čamʎ̥ st̪uːč ɲauːčˈanč... '...when she had gathered all the meat and taken it down...' [Miller 2001: 49].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:nʸaːmat̪3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 35. Polysemy: 'all / all of them / everything'.
Number:2
Word:ashes
Mojave:hamʔuːʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 73. Polysemy: 'ashes / soot'.
Cocopa:xmʔuɬ #1
Crawford 1989: 362. Word class: noun. Cf. xmʔuɬ 'be gray' [ibid.]. Another candidate is kʷiːmˈa ~ kiːmˈa 'ashes' [Crawford 1989: 54]. In all the three instances in [Crawford 1983] where the English translation of the text has 'ashes', Cocopa original has xmʔuɬ [Crawford 1983: 364-365, 374-377].
Munro et al. 1992: 61. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / hide'. Secondary synonyms: hamaʎ 'leaf / bark' [Munro et al. 1992: 73], nuθ=kʷil 'bark (of a tree)' [Munro et al. 1992: 145] (according to Munro et al., related to čaθ=kʷil).
Cocopa:ʂxu=yˈal2
Crawford 1989: 288. Polysemy: 'kindling / bark (of a tree)'. Word class: noun. Cf. ʂxu=yˈal (transitive verb) 'chop (e.g., wood) into small pieces' [ibid.].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 19. Glossed as 'bark (of a tree)'. Cf. ʔǝ=yaɬ 'a flat or smooth surface (sheet, shell of acorn, bark, husk, leaf), not plentiful' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5].
Number:4
Word:belly
Mojave:iː=to1
Munro et al. 1992: 103. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly / middle / center'. Short form: to.
Cocopa:ʔi=čˈu1
Crawford 1989: 400. Glossed as 'stomach / mind'. Word class: noun. Textual examples show that the word also actually means 'belly', cf. the following contexts: 'She kept on tickling him on the stomach' [Crawford 1983: 72-73], 'the girl ... tickled his stomach like this' [Crawford 1983: 76-77]. Derived from ču 'middle / center' [Crawford 1989: 31].
Munro et al. 1992: 198. Glossed as 'be big'. Plural forms: va=ʎ=ta-č- ~ va=ta-č-. A synonym with the same root is va=ʎ=teː-k 'be big' [Munro et al. 1992: 199].
Cocopa:p=t̪ay1
Crawford 1989: 221. Glossed as 'be big, large, fat'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: p=u=t̪ˈay. Distributive plural and subject plural form: p=t̪aːy. Secondary synonym: ʔiɲ 'be big' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 403]. In Cocopa texts [Crawford 1983], p=t̪ay occurs more frequently than ʔiɲ.
Yavapai:β=tˈe1
Shaterian 1983: 353, 434, 535. Glossed as 'big, large'. Variant forms: β=tˈeˑy-i, β=tˈay-a. Plural form: β=tˈáˑy-i [Shaterian 1983: 142]. Cf. also k=β=tˈeˑ 'big' (Southeastern Yavapai k=o=tˈê) [Shaterian 1983: 390]. Related to ʔ=tˈe 'many / old, grown' [Shaterian 1983: 353].
Jamul Tiipay:t̪ay1
Miller 2001: 78, 96, 125-126, 128, 138, 360. Glossed as 'to be big'. Plural stem: t̪aːy [Miller 2001: 126]. Personal forms: 1st sg. aʔ=t̪ˈay, 2nd sg. mǝ=t̪ˈay, 3rd sg. kʷa=t̪ˈay (1st and 3rd person forms are irregular) [Miller 2001: 138].
Munro et al. 1992: 40. Short form: č=i=yer. Derived from i=yer-k 'fly (verb)' [Munro et al. 1992: 110] with prefixed ʔič 'something' (used with a following verb or descriptive term) [Munro et al. 1992: 37].
Cocopa:ša2
Crawford 1989: 291. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:ʔ=č=sˈa2
Shaterian 1983: 372, 377, 449, 536. Plural form: ʔčsˈa lˈaˑwi [Shaterian 1983: 377]. Related to ʔ=sˈa 'eagle / widow' [Shaterian 1983: 448] (the meaning 'widow' is probably a fortuitous homonymy).
Jamul Tiipay:aʔ=šˈa ~ aː=šˈa2
Miller 2001: 27, 80.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔaː=ʂaː2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 1.
Number:7
Word:bite
Mojave:ča=kʸoː-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 59. Polysemy: 'bite / take a bite / bite off a piece'. Plural forms: ča=č=uː=kʸaːv- ~ ča=č=kʸaː- 'bite off several pieces / bite several people'.
Cocopa:ʂaː2
Crawford 1989: 264. Polysemy: 'eat (hard things) / bite'. Word class: transitive verb. See 'eat'.
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 16. Glossed as 'bites'. Plural: čǝ=č=uː=kaːw-p. Derivational prefix čuː= denotes an action performed by mouth [Langdon 1970: 81-82].
Number:8
Word:black
Mojave:ɲaː=ʔiːʎ-1
Munro et al. 1992: 145. Glossed as 'be black'. Plural form: ɲa=č=ʔiːʎ-. Secondary synonym: luːp i-m 'be very dark / be black' (ablaut stem luːp e-) [Munro et al. 1992: 128].
Cocopa:ɲ=iːʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 172. Glossed as 'be black, dark, dark-complexioned'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=ɲˈiːʎ̥ ~ ɲ=w=iʎ̥ (for some speakers ɲ=w=iʎ̥ means 'he is dark-complexioned' and ʔu=ɲˈiːʎ̥ - "he is black (as if painted black)' [ibid.]). Thus, the root varies between =iːʎ̥ and =ɲiːʎ̥.
Munro et al. 1992: 146. Derived from ʔa=hʷat-m ~ ʔa=hʷaːt-m 'be red / bleed / be rusty', q.v.
Cocopa:ɲ=xʷat1
Crawford 1989: 200. Word class: noun. Related to xʷat 'be red' and xʷaːt 'bleed, be bloody' [Crawford 1989: 373].
Yavapai:(ʔ)=hʷˈat-a1
Shaterian 1983: 475, 536. Related to (ʔ)=hʷˈat-i 'red' q.v.
Jamul Tiipay:xʷat1
Miller 2001: 22. Related to xʷat 'to be red' q.v.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=xʷat1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Polysemy: 'blood / ripe'. Also functions as a verb: 'is red / orange / brown'.
Number:10
Word:bone
Mojave:ɲ=a=s=ak1
Munro et al. 1992: 149.
Cocopa:ɲ=y=aːk1
Crawford 1989: 200. Word class: noun. Cf. y=aːk 'bone (removed from the body) / skeleton' (in the meaning 'skeleton' reduced from lxʷačˈaq yaːk) [Crawford 1989: 377].
Yavapai:č=y=ˈaˑk-a1
Shaterian 1983: 374, 537.
Jamul Tiipay:ak1
Miller 2001: 13.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:aq1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 12. Glossed as 'his bone'.
Number:11
Word:breast
Mojave:iː=wa1
Munro et al. 1992: 106. Polysemy: 'heart / chest'. Short form: wa. Plural form: iː=wa-č. Distinct from ɲ=a=ma 'woman's breast / milk / knot (in wood)' [Munro et al. 1992: 148].
Cocopa:xčkaɾ ~ čxkaɾ2
Crawford 1989: 351. Glossed as 'chest'. Word class: noun. Applicable to both men and women, cf. the following textual example: 'He shot the chest of an old woman' [Crawford 1983: 132-133]. Distinct from ɲ=may ~ ʔi=mˈay 'breast, teat' [Crawford 1989: 182, 401].
Yavapai:ɲ=mˈay-a3
Shaterian 1983: 481, 500, 538. Related to (ʔ)=mˈay-a 'milk' [Shaterian 1983: 481]. The form pˌaˑhmˌiɲmˈáya 'man's breast' [Shaterian 1983: 346] shows that ɲmˈaya is applicable to both male and female breast. Cf. iˑ=wˈá(ˑ)y-a 'heart / chest' [Shaterian 1983: 417].
Jamul Tiipay:t̪ǝ=x=kˈar #2
Miller 2001: 81. Glossed as 'chest'. Cf. ɲǝ=mˈay 'breast' [Miller 2001: 80]. It is not clear which of these words (if any) is applicable to both man's and woman's breast.
Miller 2001: 27, 117, 123. Polysemy: 'to burn (something) / to cremate'. Another candidate is x=ʎ̥ap ~ xǝ=ʎ̥ˈap 'to burn (something) / cremate' [Miller 2001: 68, 94] - an irregularly formed causative of ʎ̥ap 'to be hot / burn (intrans.)' [Miller 2001: 94].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:aː=ɹaːw #4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 8. Polysemy: 'makes, tends a fire / burns / keeps warm'. Plural: a=čǝ=ɹuw. Alternative candidate: xǝ=ɬʸap 'burns something, causes to be burned up' (plural: xǝ=t̪uː=ɬʸaːp) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21], derived from wǝ=ɬʸap 'is burning (with flame)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54].
Number:13
Word:claw(nail)
Mojave:iː=saʎ=kuʎo=ho1
Munro et al. 1992: 101. Polysemy: 'fingernail / claw / hoof'. For iː=saʎ, see 'hand'. Cf. iːme kuʎoho 'toenail / hoof' (for iː=me, see 'foot') [Munro et al. 1992: 95], kʷiːkʷay kuʎoho 'hoof' (kʷiːkʷay 'cow / cattle / beaf / meat') [Munro et al. 1992: 126].
Cocopa:ɬka=xʷˈaw ~ ʎ̥ka=xʷˈaw1
Crawford 1989: 101, 106. Word class: noun. Polysemy: 'claw / nail (of finger or toe)'. Reduced form: ɬa=xʷˈaw. Cf. ʔišˈaːʎ̥ ɬka=xʷˈaw 'fingernail' [Crawford 1989: 407] (ʔi=šˈaːʎ̥ means 'finger' [Crawford 1989: 406]).
Yavapai:sl=hβˈoˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 455, 467, 589. Polysemy: 'nail / claw / hoof'. Variant form: sl=hʷˈoˑ (Tolkapaya dialect, informant Warren Gazzam). The prefix ("quasi-classifier", according to Shaterian) sl= goes back to sˈal 'hand'. Cf. sˌal=sl=hʷˈóˑ 'fingernail' [Shaterian 1983: 458], where sˈal is present two times - as prefix and as first member of compound.
Jamul Tiipay:šaʎ̥ nǝ=pˈuːl2
Miller 2001: 80. Glossed as 'fingernail'. Cf. miː nǝ=pˈuːl 'toenail' [ibid.] (šaʎ̥ is 'hand', miː is 'foot').
Miller 2001: 71. Polysemy: 'cloud / rain'. See 'rain' for comments on the semantics.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kʷiːy1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Glossed as 'clouds'.
Number:15
Word:cold
Mojave:ha=čuːr-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 69. Glossed as 'be cold'. Secondary synonym: uːθer-m 'be cold, chilly, chilled / shiver' [Munro et al. 1992: 196].
Cocopa:x=suːɾ1
Crawford 1989: 366. Glossed as 'be cold'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. For the segmentation of x= cf. x=iː=sˈuɾ 'turn cold / be winter or cold weather' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 353] with the prefix iː= 'be, become' [Crawford 1966: 112].
Yavapai:mˈún-i2
Shaterian 1983: 482, 545.
Jamul Tiipay:šuː=kˈat3
Miller 2001: 65, 67, 72, 360. Glossed as 'to be cold'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝ=čuːɹ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 20. Glossed as 'is cold'.
Number:16
Word:come
Mojave:i=ðiː-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 87. Plural form: ta=ðiː-. Secondary synonym: i=vaː- 'arrive / come / walk / be here / have arrived' [Munro et al. 1992: 105].
Cocopa:yiː1
Crawford 1989: 381. Glossed as 'come, move in time or space toward a point of reference'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=yˈiː [Crawford 1989: 423].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56. Glossed as 'comes'. Plural: n̪ǝ=yiw.
Number:17
Word:die
Mojave:i=puy-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 99. Polysemy: 'die / be dead'. Plural form: i=poːy-.
Cocopa:mʂ=pa2
Crawford 1989: 144. Polysemy: 'die / be dying or dead / be drunk'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: mʂ=u=pˈa. Suppletive subject plural: ʔiːm.
Munro et al. 1992: 23. Polysemy: 'land / country / place / dirt / mud / clay / down / below / floor'. Short form: mat. Possessed form: ɲ=a=mat. No Mojave word is glossed as 'earth' in the dictionary.
Munro et al. 1992: 37. Glossed as 'eat, engage in eating, eat something'. Plural forms: ʔič a=ma-č- (of two people), ʔič uː=ma-v- (of three or more people). Secondary synonyms: a=maː-m ~ a=ma-m 'eat (soft foods like cooked vegetables, bread, ground meat)' [Munro et al. 1992: 50], i=θoː-k 'eat (meat)' [Munro et al. 1992: 105].
Cocopa:ma1
Crawford 1989: 118-119. Glossed as 'eat (soft things)'. Word class: transitive verb. According to the dictionary, "[t]his is the general word used for the consumption of food. It requires an object, which is usually nʸawíˑ something, if a food item is not specified. Food items are classified according to whether they are relatively soft or hard, depending on the amount of chewing required, and their consumption is expressed by either ma to eat (soft things) or ṣaˑ to eat (hard things)". Typical objects of ma are: bananas, beans, potatoes, cottage cheese, cheese, macaroni, spaghetti, tortillas, candy, and bread. Secondary synonym: ʂaː 'eat (hard things) / bite'. Typical objects of ʂaː are: grapefruit, oranges, lemons, meat, watermelons, cantaloupes, cucumbers, lettuce, tomatoes, radishes, carrots, onions, and sunflower seeds [Crawford 1989: 264].
Miller 2001: 16, 18, 92, 105, 118, 121-122, 128. Plural stem: saw [Miller 2001: 105]. Secondary synonym: ma 'to eat (soft food)' (plural stem: ma-č) [Miller 2001: 14, 106]. Objects of saːw, attested in the available examples, include meat [Miller 2001: 172], bread [Miller 2001: 239], vegetables [Miller 2001: 260], beans [Miller 2001: 321], and cookies [Miller 2001: 324] (note that in closely related Cocopa, bread and beans are typical objects of ma 'to eat (soft things)'). saːw is used when the type of food is not specified: 'He had already eaten and he went along full' [Miller 2001: 171], 'When I finish, we can eat' [Miller 2001: 191], 'He ate a lot and got fat' [Miller 2001: 285], 'They ate and drank silently' [Miller 2001: 309]. The word for 'food', č=aʔ=sˈaw ~ č=aː=sˈaw, is derived from saːw [Miller 2001: 121].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=saːw2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 55. Glossed as 'eats hard things, meat'. Plural: wǝ=suw. Secondary synonym: wǝ=maː 'eats soft things, mush' (plural: wǝ=ma-č) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54]. Examples from [Langdon 1970] show that in neutral contexts, when the type of food is not specified, =saːw is used: 'He wants to eat' [Langdon 1970: 155], 'Would he eat?' [ibid.], 'After I go away, you eat!' [Langdon 1970: 160], 'I like to eat' [Langdon 1970: 181], 'Give him something to eat!' [Langdon 1970: 182]. Moreover, the word for 'food', ʔǝ=suw [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5], and the verb 'feed', uː=suw [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 51], are derived from =saːw.
Number:24
Word:egg
Mojave:i=θ=ʔaw1
Munro et al. 1992: 104. Polysemy: 'child (of a woman) / egg'. Plural form: i=θ=ʔoː-č. Cf. i=θ=ʔaw-k 'have a child (of a woman)' (plural form: θa=t=uː=ʔoː-č) [ibid.] and θ=o=ʔaw-k ~ θ=uː=ʔaw-k 'give birth / lay an egg' [Munro et al. 1992: 188].
Cocopa:xmˌa=ʂ=u=ʔˈap1
Crawford 1989: 359. Word class: noun. The word is a compound of xma 'chicken' [Crawford 1989: 357] and ʂ=u=ʔˈap - 3rd person form of the verb ʂ=ʔaːp 'lay eggs / give birth' [Crawford 1989: 289]. Alternatively, two separate words xma ʂuʔˈap may be employed.
Yavapai:s=qˈáw-a2
Shaterian 1983: 406, 453, 556. Related to qˈâw-i 'broken, break in two' [Shaterian 1983: 406].
Jamul Tiipay:šǝ=yˈač3
Miller 2001: 80, 360. Related to t̪ǝʔ=yˈač 'corn' [Miller 2001: 83]. Historically, this word is a compound with the literal meaning 'bird's seed'. Cf. also the verb šǝ=yˈač 'to lay eggs' [Miller 2001: 65].
Munro et al. 1992: 87. Polysemy: 'eye / face'. Short form: ðo. Secondary synonym: iːðo saːk 'eye' [Munro et al. 1992: 88] (from i=saːk-k 'have one's eyes open' [Munro et al. 1992: 100]).
Cocopa:ʔi=yˈu1
Crawford 1989: 412. Polysemy: 'eye / face / spectacles'. Word class: noun. i= (glottal stop is automatic in initial position) is a prefix occurring before several noun roots denoting body parts [Crawford 1989: 398].
Munro et al. 1992: 29. Polysemy: 'fat / grease / lard'. Derived from i=say-k 'be fat' [Munro et al. 1992: 102]. The first element of the compound is probably identical to ʔamo 'mountain sheep' [Munro et al. 1992: 28].
Cocopa:šay1
Crawford 1989: 294. Polysemy: 'fat / grease / wax / lard'. Word class: noun. The same root functions as the intransitive verb šay 'be fat, greasy, waxy'.
Yavapai:sˈay-a1
Shaterian 1983: 448, 558. Related to sˈé (plural sˈâˑy-km) '(to be) fat' [Shaterian 1983: 448, 558].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:
Not attested, but cf. the verb wǝ=ʂay 'is fat, greasy' (plural: wǝ=ʂaːy-č) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56].
Number:27
Word:feather
Mojave:si=viːʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 164. Related to iː=viːʎ 'wing' [Munro et al. 1992: 106].
Cocopa:ša=wˈal1
Crawford 1989: 293. Word class: noun. Etymologically a compound of ša 'bird' and wal 'leaf', q.v. Cf. also the verb š=iː=wˈal 'be or become feathered, grow feathers', containing the prefix iː= 'be, become' [Crawford 1966: 112]. The word ʂuːmˈi, glossed as 'feather (?)' in [Crawford 1989: 285], is known only from the expression ʂuːmˈi čkupˈaɲ, denoting some unidentified kind of head-dress ('war bonnet'? 'crown of feathers'?) [Crawford 1983: 571].
Crawford 1989: 245. Word class: noun. The first part of this compound continues the Proto-Yuman root for 'fish', the second is found also in ʔi=ʔˈiʎ̥ 'head lice' and ma=ʔˈiːʎ̥ 'worm', q.v.
Yavapai:ʔ=čˈiˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 365, 560.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:
Not attested.
Number:30
Word:fly v.
Mojave:i=yer-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 110. Plural forms: uː=yar-, uː=yar-v-.
Cocopa:man2
Crawford 1989: 122. Polysemy: 'get up / arise / fly / start out / begin / sit up from a lying position / heal'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=mˈan.
Yavapai:β=yˈaˑr-i1
Shaterian 1983: 440, 515.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=man̪ ~ u=man̪2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'flies'. Plural: pǝ=maːn̪.
Number:31
Word:foot
Mojave:iː=me1
Munro et al. 1992: 95. Polysemy: 'leg / foot / footprint / track'. Short form: me.
Cocopa:ʔi=mˈiː1
Crawford 1989: 401. Polysemy: 'leg / foot / toe'. Word class: noun. i= (glottal stop is automatic in initial position) is a prefix occurring before several noun roots denoting body parts [Crawford 1989: 398].
Munro et al. 1992: 175-176. Glossed as 'be full (of either a liquid or a solid substance)'. Plural form: ta=t=piːs-. Other candidates include atoː-k 'be full' [Munro et al. 1992: 54] (this word is related to iːto 'stomach / belly / middle / center' [Munro et al. 1992: 103]) and ɲi aːm-k 'overflow / be full / overcrowded' [Munro et al. 1992: 151].
Cocopa:č=puɾ #2
Crawford 1989: 29. Glossed as 'be full, be filled with'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Distributive plural: č=puːɾ. Other candidates are čm=ʔuɾ ~ čma=ʔˈuɾ 'be full or filled, occupy the entire space of an area' (intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 27] and puːɾ 'be full, flood' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 222]. We tentatively choose č=puɾ as the main synonym. Cf. the following example: ʂkʷiɲ čpuɾ 'the cup is full' [Crawford 1989: 29].
Yavapai:tm=pˈir-i #2
Shaterian 1983: 337, 360, 562. Another candidate is tm=ʔˈor-i 'full' [Shaterian 1983: 360, 426, 562]. The main synonym cannot be determined, so the choice is arbitrary.
Jamul Tiipay:t̪ǝ=m=ʔˈur #3
Miller 2001: 23, 60, 95-96. Glossed as 'to be full'. Another candidate is t̪ǝ=p=rˈuː 'to be full' [Miller 2001: 62, 66].
Crawford 1989: 43. Glossed as 'give to someone'. Word class: transitive verb. Requires an object prefix.
Yavapai:ʔˈéˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 419, 565. Plural form: ʔˈéˑ-č-i.
Jamul Tiipay:=iɲ2
Miller 2001: 107, 112, 127, 138, 162, 353. Plural stem: w=iː-č 'to give (pl.) / give repeatedly / give to several' [Miller 2001: 14, 35, 107, 112, 143, 353].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:w=inʸ2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56. Glossed as 'gives'. Plural: w=iːnʸ.
Number:34
Word:good
Mojave:ʔa=hot-k ~ ʔa=hoːt-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 20. Polysemy: 'be good / be correct / be pretty, good-looking / be clean'. Short form: hot-. Plural form: ʔa=huːt-. Secondary synonyms: maɲye-k 'be good, good-tasting, good to feel, good to hear, good to smell' [Munro et al. 1992: 132], mat kʷisa-y-v-k 'be pretty / be good' [Munro et al. 1992: 136], ta=ʔahan-k 'be good / be real / repair / fix' [Munro et al. 1992: 168]. Cf. also ʔahan 'right (direction) / good / proper / original' (old word used in fixed expressions) [Munro et al. 1992: 17].
Cocopa:p=xʷay2
Crawford 1989: 226. Polysemy: 'be good / fine / well / healthy / first-class'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: p=u=xʷˈay. Secondary synonyms: xaɲ 'be new / fine / genuine / real / good / first-class' (intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 343], miːxˈaːn 'be pleasant / good / acceptable / comfortable / neat' (intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 139]. We choose p=xʷay because it is frequently opposed to xčaq 'bad'. Cf. the following examples: "I worked at bad (xčaq) things. I did not work at good (pxʷay) things" [Crawford 1983: 66-67], "He is not a good (paxʷˈay) person. A bad (xačˈaq) person lies here" [Crawford 1983: 164-165], "How do you see (i.e., like) what I did? Was it good (pxʷay). Was it bad (xčaq)?" [Crawford 1983: 398-399].
Yavapai:(ʔ)=hˈán-i3
Shaterian 1983: 463, 566. Polysemy: 'good / handsome / right / first / real / perfect'. Cf. nominal stem k=(ʔ)=hˈan-a 'right, good' [Shaterian 1983: 392, 566], derived from (ʔ)=hˈán-i with the relativizer k=.
Jamul Tiipay:ʔiː=xˈan ~ xan3
Miller 2001: 19, 61, 69, 91, 127-128, 305, 349. Polysemy: 'to be good / be in good condition'. Plural stem: ʔiː=xˈaːn [Miller 2001: 127].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=xan̪3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 2. Polysemy: 'is good / correct / right / tasty / true / sure'. Plural: ʔǝ=xaːn̪.
Number:35
Word:green
Mojave:ha=va=suː-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 76. Polysemy: 'be blue / be green / come into leaf (of plants)'.
Cocopa:x=p=siw1
Crawford 1989: 364. Glossed as 'be blue or green'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: x=p=u=sˈiw. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to x=p=šiw 'leaf out (as trees and shrubs)' [Crawford 1989: 365] and x=p=ʂiw 'be brown or reddish brown (as an Indian or a Mexican)' [Crawford 1989: 365].
Munro et al. 1992: 83. Glossed as 'hair of the head'. Plural form: kʷiʔiː 'a lot of people's hair'. Secondary synonyms: ɲ=iː=ʔe 'hair (of the head)' [Munro et al. 1992: 151], mukor 'hair' (old word) [Munro et al. 1992: 141] (according to [Munro et al. 1992], related to makor 'top (point), summit').
Cocopa:m=xʷaɬ2
Crawford 1989: 148. Glossed as 'hair (of the head)'. Word class: noun. Distinct from lmiʂ 'hair / fur' [Crawford 1989: 94]. m= is a desemanticized prefix [Crawford 1989: 116].
Miller 2001: 25, 146. Another candidate is lǝmˈis 'hair' [Miller 2001: 78].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝɬʸt̪aː4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21. Polysemy: 'his head / hair / scalp'. Distinct from lǝmis 'his fur / body hair' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 29].
Number:37
Word:hand
Mojave:iː=saʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 100. Polysemy: 'hand / arm / sleeve'. Short form: saʎ.
Cocopa:ʔi=šˈaːʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 406. Polysemy: 'arm / hand / finger / wing (of a chicken)'. Word class: noun. i= (glottal stop is automatic in initial position) is a prefix occurring before several noun roots denoting body parts [Crawford 1989: 398].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Polysemy: 'his hand / arm / fingers'.
Number:38
Word:head
Mojave:čuksa ~ čuska1
Munro et al. 1992: 65.
Cocopa:m=kuɾ2
Crawford 1989: 140. Word class: noun. m= is a desemanticized prefix [Crawford 1989: 116].
Yavapai:hˈúː3
Shaterian 1983: 465, 569. Polysemy: 'nose / head'. Variant form: hˈúˑ (Tolkapaya dialect, informant Warren Gazzam). Secondary synonyms: qm=pˈây-a 'brain(s) / head' [Shaterian 1983: 407], kʔˈôy-a ~ kʔˈówy-a 'head, crown' [Shaterian 1983: 426] (glossed on pp. 390, 549 as 'crown of head / cock's comb').
Jamul Tiipay:ʎ̥mu4
Miller 2001: 25. The word is adduced in the grammar as an example of an initial cluster allowed in the speech of one of the main informants (Mrs. Dumas). We can suppose that in the speech of Mrs. Walker, the other main informant, this word sounds as *ʎ̥ǝmˈu, but there is no direct evidence for this.
Munro et al. 1992: 106. Polysemy: 'heart / chest'. Short form: wa. Plural form: iː=wa-č.
Cocopa:ʔi=yˈaːy1
Crawford 1989: 411. Word class: noun. Irregular 3rd person possessive form: ɲ=i=wˈay. i= (glottal stop is automatic in initial position) is a prefix occurring before several noun roots denoting body parts [Crawford 1989: 398]. w in ɲ=i=wˈay may be historically identical with =u= / =w= 3rd person animate subject prefix in verbs.
Munro et al. 1992: 90. Polysemy: 'horn / comb (on a rooster) / topknot (on a quail)'.
Cocopa:kʷa1
Crawford 1989: 69. Polysemy: 'horns (of an animal) / topknot, crest, comb (on a fowl)'. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:kʷˈá1
Shaterian 1983: 398, 571. On p. 398 kʷˈâ is glossed as 'horn' and kʷˈá - as 'Indian spinach'. We presume that this is a misprint, since in other places in [Shaterian 1983] the assignment of tones to these words is opposite: kʷˈá 'horn' [Shaterian 1983: 30, 49, 571] and kʷˈâ 'Indian spinach' [Shaterian 1983: 49, 177, 443, 573].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly, but cf. kʷak š=kʷa 'antlers' ("kwak once meant 'deer' but now means 'cattle' or 'meat''') [Miller 2001: 81].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=kʷaː1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his horn (of an animal)'.
Munro et al. 1992: 176. Plural forms: ta=ta=poːy-, ta=t=poːy- 'kill many'. Derived from i=puy-k 'die', q. v.
Cocopa:nak2
Crawford 1989: 150. Word class: transitive verb. Polysemy: 'kill / get the best of / beat up'. Distributive plural: naːk.
Yavapai:nˈéh-i3
Shaterian 1983: 493, 576. The verb 'to kill' in Yavapai has suppletive stems for singular object (nˈéh-) and plural object (kmwˈáːč-) [Shaterian 1983: 95].
Jamul Tiipay:aː=mˈuːč #4
Miller 2001: 14, 102. Plural stem: a=č=uː=mˈuč [Miller 2001: 36, 102]. Other candidates: aː=xʷˈay 'to kill' (plural stem čǝ=xʷˈay) [Miller 2001: 15, 104], aː=wˈat 'to be all gone, over and done with / to extinguish, kill' [Miller 2001: 73].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:aː=muːč4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 8. Glossed as 'kills one (or one by one)'. Plural: a=č=uː=muč, a=čǝ=muč, a=čǝ=muːč. Distinct from aː=wat (pl. a=čǝ=waːt) 'kills several simultaneously, kills off' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 9].
Number:44
Word:knee
Mojave:iːmem=i=puk1
Munro et al. 1992: 96. Short form: memipuk. According to [Munro et al. 1992], this word is a compound of iː=me-m 'leg / foot' and iː=puk. The latter form, not attested as a separate word in the dictionary, apparently has the same root as puk in ʔava puk 'corner of a house' (ʔava 'house') [Munro et al. 1992: 34] and ʔaviː puk 'hillside' (ʔaviː 'rock / mountain') [Munro et al. 1992: 36].
Cocopa:ʔimˈiː taːkˈaːɲ2
Crawford 1989: 403. Word class: noun. ʔi=mˈiː means 'leg', taː=kˈaːɲ occurs also in ʔišˈaːʎ̥ taːkˈaːɲ 'elbow' and is derived from the verb kaɲ 'something long to break in two' [Crawford 1989: 47]. Secondary synonym: ʔimˈiː xlaːwˈaːy 'knee' (an old word) [Crawford 1989: 403] (cf. ʔišˈaːʎ̥ xlaːwˈaːy 'elbow' (also an old word)).
Miller 2001: 79. Cf. šaʎ̥ nǝ=pˈuk 'elbow' [Miller 2001: 79] (šaʎ̥ is 'hand', miː - 'foot') and iː=pˈuk 'neck' q.v. Another candidate is miː x=t̪un 'knee' [Miller 2001: 81].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:mǝ=xǝt̪un̪ ~ xǝmǝt̪un̪3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 32. Glossed as 'his knee'. Related to ʂǝ=xǝ=pǝ=t̪un̪-p 'kneels, is kneeling' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 42] and saɬʸ=xǝt̪un̪ 'his elbow' (ǝ=saɬʸ 'hand / arm') [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 41]. Historically mǝ= in mǝ=xǝt̪un̪ is the word for 'foot / leg'; xǝmǝt̪un̪ is the result of metathesis.
Number:45
Word:know
Mojave:suːpaw-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 166. Polysemy: 'know / recognize'. Plural form: suːpaw-č-. Contexts, adduced in the dictionary, include: 'I know what you said' [Munro et al. 1992: 78], 'I know that the girl left' [Munro et al. 1992: 110], 'I know there was a rainbow' [Munro et al. 1992: 123], 'I know why he made you cry' [Munro et al. 1992: 174] etc.
Cocopa:ʔuː=yˈaː2
Crawford 1989: 423. Polysemy: 'know / learn / recognize / remember'. Word class: transitive verb. Distributive plural: ʔuː=yˈaw. According to [Crawford 1989: 323], ʔuː=yˈaː contains the prefix uː= (glottal stop is automatic in initial position) 'causative: cause an action or event to occur'.
Yavapai:spˈo1
Shaterian 1983: 340, 451, 577.
Jamul Tiipay:uː=yˈaːw2
Miller 2001: 67, 91, 94, 102, 126, 128-129, 199, 223-226. Polysemy: 'to know / know how'. Plural stem: a=č=uː=yˈaw [Miller 2001: 14, 102]. Typical contexts include: 'I know what you are going to say' [Miller 2001: 177], 'Does she know that you are driving her car?' [Miller 2001: 221], 'You went there to drink beer and I know it' [Miller 2001: 223].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:n̪=uɹ3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 34. Glossed as 'knows'. Plural: n̪ǝ=t̪=uː=uɹ-p. Secondary synonym: uː=yaːw (pl. u=čǝ=yuːw-p) 'knows' (used more in southern dialect) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 51].
Number:46
Word:leaf
Mojave:hamaʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 73. Polysemy: 'leaf / bark'.
Cocopa:wal2
Crawford 1989: 326. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:θˈéq-a3
Shaterian 1983: 442, 579. Derived from the verb θˈéq-i 'thin' [Shaterian 1983: 442].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=yaɬ #4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5. Polysemy: 'a flat or smooth surface (sheet, shell of acorn, bark, husk, leaf) / not plentiful'. No other word for 'leaf' is listed in [Couro & Hutcheson 1973].
Number:47
Word:lie
Mojave:i=ðik-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 87. Glossed as 'lie, be lying; be located (in a lying or prone position)'.
Cocopa:yak1
Crawford 1989: 377. Glossed as 'lie, be in a lying position'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=yˈak. Cf. pat 'lie down, move to a lying position' [Crawford 1989: 208].
Yavapai:yˈâk-i1
Shaterian 1983: 514, 580. Glossed as 'lie, recline'.
Jamul Tiipay:yak1
Miller 2001: 122. Glossed as 'to lie down'. Examples: mˈat-i yak 'It is lying on the ground' [Miller 2001: 156], muʔyˈuː mǝ=pˈat mǝ=yˈak 'Why are you lying down?' [Miller 2001: 179]. Cf. also the verb t̪=yak 'be lying down / be located (long object with horizontal orientation)' that may be used as main verb, but functions also as a "locational auxiliary" [Miller 2001: 281]. pat 'to lie down' [Miller 2001: 102] is apparently an inchoative verb.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:yaq1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56. Glossed as 'lies, is located'. Cf. wǝ=lʸak (pl. pǝ=lʸak) 'lies down' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54].
Number:48
Word:liver
Mojave:ča=vuθiː1
Munro et al. 1992: 62.
Cocopa:č=puʂˈu1
Crawford 1989: 29. Glossed as 'liver (from an animal)'. Word class: noun. Cf. ɲ=č=puʂˈu 'liver (in one's body)' with animate possessive prefix ɲ= [Crawford 1989: 169].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 15. Glossed as 'his liver'.
Number:49
Word:long
Mojave:ʔa=kʸuːʎ-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 21. Glossed as 'be long'. Plural forms: ʔa=č=kʸoʎ-č-, ʔa=č=kʸoːʎ-č-.
Cocopa:kuʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 63. Glossed as 'be long'. Word class: intransitive verb. Subject and distributive plural: kuːʎ̥ [Crawford 1989: 64]. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kuɾ 'be distant in space or time' (see 'far').
Yavapai:k{U+02B8}ˈu(ˑ)l-i1
Shaterian 1983: 382, 581. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kˈûr-a 'long ago' [Shaterian 1983: 388, 581].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly. Cf. kuš 'to be long, tall' [Miller 2001: 126] (examples: '...the tree had grown tall...' [Miller 2001: 47], 'That boy is going to be tall when he grows up' [Miller 2001: 193]).
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=quɬ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 4. Glossed as 'is long'. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to ʔǝ=kuɹ 'is distant, far / long (time)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3].
Number:50
Word:louse
Mojave:ɲ=i=ʔiːʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 151. Glossed as 'head louse'. Distinct from hanawaq 'body louse' [Munro et al. 1992: 75]. Related to i=ʔˈiːʎ-va 'worm / maggot', q.v.
Cocopa:ʔi=ʔˈiʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 413. Glossed as 'head lice'. Word class: noun. Distinct from xaɲčp=ʔˈiʎ̥ 'body lice' [Crawford 1989: 344]. Related to ma=ʔˈiːʎ̥ 'worm / maggot / rice', q.v.
Yavapai:hʔˈel1
Shaterian 1983: 420, 467, 582.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=miɬʸ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his head louse'. Distinct from xǝɬʸčǝpuk 'body louse' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21].
Number:51
Word:man
Mojave:ʔiː=pa1
Munro et al. 1992: 41. Polysemy: 'man / male'. Short form: pa. Plural form: ʔiː=pa-č 'men'.
Cocopa:ʔa=pˈa1
Crawford 1989: 389. Word class: noun. Plural form: ʔa=pˈaː-s.
Yavapai:pˌaˑ-hmˈi-(ya)1
Shaterian 1983: 346, 467, 583. A compound of ʔ=pˈáˑ ~ ʔ=pˈâˑ 'person / Indian' q.v., and hmˈi 'tall / energetic / ambitious' [Shaterian 1983: 467].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6. Polysemy: 'man / male'. Plural: ʔiː=kʷiː-č. Secondary synonym: ʔiː=pa-č 'man, fellow' (considered slang in Mesa Grande speech, standard word for 'man' in Campo dialect) [ibid.].
Number:52
Word:many
Mojave:ʔa=paʎ-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 31. Polysemy: 'be many, much / be too many, too much'. According to [Munro et al. 1992], related to pay 'all', q.v.
Cocopa:ʎ̥ay2
Crawford 1989: 104. Glossed as 'be numerous, many, a lot of'. Word class: intransitive verb. Cf. ʔiɲ=ˈaːm 'be very much, very many' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 404] (3rd person subject plural ɲ=ɲ=w=am [Crawford 1989: 173] shows that the root begins with a vowel).
Yavapai:ʔ=tˈe #3
Shaterian 1983: 353, 583. Polysemy: 'many / old / grown'. Related to β=tˈe 'big, large' q.v. Another candidate is lˈa(ˑ)w-i [Shaterian 1983: 508, 583].
Jamul Tiipay:ʎ̥aw2
Miller 2001: 125-126, 137, 360. Glossed as 'to be much, many'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝmiːy ~ ʔǝxmiːy4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 22. Glossed as 'are many, a lot'.
Shaterian 1983: 401, 584. Polysemy: 'meat / game'. Derived from θˈoˑ 'eat meat' [Shaterian 1983: 443] with the dummy object complement kʷˌeˑ=.
Jamul Tiipay:kʷak4
Miller 2001: 77. Polysemy: 'cattle / meat'. Miller comments: "kwak once meant 'deer' but now means 'cattle' or 'meat'. The modern Jamul word for 'deer' is kwak xèntil" [Miller 2001: 81]. Secondary synonym: kǝkʷˈaːyp 'cattle / meat' [Miller 2001: 83]. In the text "Drying Meat" [Miller 2001: 343-348] meat is consistently called kʷak, except for one sentence where both words are used: 'That's how she made dried meat (kʷak), and that's how we always used to eat meat (kǝkʷˈaːyp), in the past, when we were young' [Miller 2001: 347-348].
Crawford 1989: 356. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Word class: noun. The derived verb xʎ̥=iː=ʔˈaː 'moon to shine' [Crawford 1989: 356] shows the presence of a morphemic boundary in an otherwise unanalizable noun.
Yavapai:hlˈa1
Shaterian 1983: 469, 508, 586.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly, but cf. ʎ̥ʔa 'month' [Miller 2001: 270]. This word possibly means 'moon' as well, but there is no evidence for that in [Miller 2001].
Miller 2001: 353. Literally 'big land'. Occurs in the following example: mat kʷ=a=t̪ˈay wa-č yu i xa=sʔˈiʎ̥ kʷaʔˈuːr-i 'A mountain is (lit. sits) there, they say, at the edge of the ocean'. It is not clear whether this is the basic designation of 'mountain' in Jamul Tiipay.
Munro et al. 1992: 109. Polysemy: 'mouth / language'. Short form: ya. Plural form: iː=ya-č.
Cocopa:ʔi=yˈa1
Crawford 1989: 409. Polysemy: 'mouth / language / tooth / lip'. Word class: noun. The synchronic polysemy 'mouth / tooth' is apparently a result of a phonetic coincidence of two separate Proto-Yuman roots: 'mouth / language' and 'tooth'.
Crawford 1989: 146. Word class: noun. 3rd person possessive form: ʔu=mˈuʎ̥.
Yavapai:mˈul ~ mˈol1
Shaterian 1983: 482, 589.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:čǝ=xi-č2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 14. Related to čuː=xiː (pl. čuː=xiː-č-p) 'names, calls by his name' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 16]. Cf. ʂiː=muɬ 'clan, group of people who have same last name, term of address for any member of such group; family name' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 43].
Number:58
Word:neck
Mojave:maʎaqe1
Munro et al. 1992: 131. Polysemy: 'neck / voice'.
Cocopa:m=puk2
Crawford 1989: 142. Glossed as 'nape of neck'. Word class: noun. There is no word glossed simply as 'neck' in [Crawford 1989]. Cf. the following example: "He picked up a machete ... and cut (the young man's) neck (ɲmpuk)" [Crawford 1983: 452-453]. m= is a desemanticized prefix [Crawford 1989: 116].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 24. Polysemy: 'his neck / nape'. Distinct from ǝ=nʸaɬʸ 'his throat, front of neck' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17].
Number:59
Word:new
Mojave:ma=piːθ-1
Munro et al. 1992: 132. Glossed as 'be new'. Plural form: ma=piːθ-č-. Related to piθ 'now, right now / all of a sudden' [Munro et al. 1992: 155].
Cocopa:xaɲ2
Crawford 1989: 343. Polysemy: 'be new / fine / genuine / real / good / first-class'. Word class: intransitive verb. Subject and distributive plural: xaːɲ.
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'is new'. Plural: wǝ=xaːy-č. A synonym from the same root: ʔǝ=xay (pl. ʔǝ=xay-č) 'is new' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 2].
Number:60
Word:night
Mojave:tiː=ɲam-1
Munro et al. 1992: 181. Polysemy: 'be last night / be dark / be night'.
Cocopa:č=ɲam1
Crawford 1989: 28. Polysemy: 'be dark / be night'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb.
Yavapai:hiˑ=pˈaˑ2
Shaterian 1983: 339, 557. Glossed as 'evening'. Cf. hi=pˈáˑ-m 'at night' [Shaterian 1983: 459, 590] (-m is the temporal locative ending [Shaterian 1983: 111]). According to [Shaterian 1983: 339], derived from pˈaˑ 'shine'.
Jamul Tiipay:t̪iː=ɲˈam1
Miller 2001: 14, 243, 360. Glossed as 'to be night'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ku=xun3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 26. A nominalization of the verb xun '(it) is dark, night' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 23]. Cf. t̪iː=nʸaːm 'last night' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 48].
Miller 2001: 17, 49, 77. Has a variant xuː before certain suffixes [Miller 2001: 49].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=xuː1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his nose'.
Number:62
Word:not
Mojave:=mot-1
Munro et al. 1992: 311; Munro 1976: 65-68. A verbal negative suffix, placed between the verb stem and the tense marker.
Cocopa:lu-...-m1
Crawford 1989: 95; Crawford 1966: 85-86. Negative verbal circumfix. lu-...-m is replaced by l-...-m when not immediately before the CVC root. "Although the notion of negation is otherwise evident without it, a verb with the negative affix is usually followed by the impersonal verb láˑx" [Crawford 1966: 85]. Examples: l=aʔˈi-m lˈaːx 'I didn't do (it)', lu=ʂˈi-m lˈaːx 'I don't drink; I didn't drink (it)' [Crawford 1966: 85].
Yavapai:ʔˈúm-i1
Shaterian 1983: 75, 94, 430, 590. Negative verb 'be not'. Example: ʔpˈaːh ʔspˈóh ʔaʔˈúmi 'I do not know the man' [Shaterian 1983: 122].
Jamul Tiipay:xǝ=mˈaːw1
Miller 2001: 167-169, 299. A negative auxiliary, related to the main verb maːw 'to not do / not be / not happen' [Miller 2001: 302]. "A secondary element may (occasionally recorded as meʼay) sometimes appears at the leftmost boundary of the scope of negation" [Miller 2001: 168]. x= in xǝ=mˈaːw is historically an irrealis suffix -x, attached to the main verb in the negative construction, reanalized as a part of the following auxiliary [Miller 2001: 302].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:u=maːw1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 52. Glossed as 'is not, no'. A negative auxiliary verb.
Number:63
Word:one
Mojave:ʔa=sent-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 32. Glossed as 'be one / be only, alone'. As noted in [Munro 1976: 106], "Mojave numerals are all underlyingly verbs". Cf. also ʔa=sent 'one (number used alone)' (short form: sent) [Munro et al. 1992: 32] and seto 'one (number used mainly for counting)' [Munro et al. 1992: 164].
Cocopa:šit1
Crawford 1989: 298. Polysemy: 'be one / only / alone'. Word class: intransitive verb.
Yavapai:(ʔ)=sˈit-i ~ (ʔ)=sˈiˑt-i1
Shaterian 1983: 447, 592.
Jamul Tiipay:šin1
Miller 2001: 126, 138-139, 312, 349. Polysemy: 'to be one / be alone / do alone'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=xin̪-k1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 2. Glossed as 'is one, alone, single / one (when counting)'. Secondary synonym: ʔuːn̪ 'one' (borrowed from Spanish uno) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6].
Number:64
Word:person
Mojave:pi=ʔ=pa ~ pi=ʔi=pa ~ p=iː=pa1
Munro et al. 1992: 154. Polysemy: 'person / human being / someone / anyone'. Short form: pa. Derived from ʔiː=pa 'man / male', q.v.
Cocopa:ča=pˈa-y1
Crawford 1989: 18. Polysemy: 'person / Indian'. Word class: noun. Plural form: ča=pˈaː-y (rarely used). Related to ʔa=pˈa 'man', q.v. Cf. also ʔiː=pˈa-y 'become alive' (3rd person form y=u=pˈa-y) [Crawford 1989: 405].
Yavapai:ʔ=pˈáˑ ~ ʔ=pˈâˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 339, 345, 596. Polysemy: 'person / human / Indian'. Plural form: ʔ=pˈâˑ-č-a. Variant form: ʔ=pˈâː, plural ʔ=pˈâː-č-a (Tolkapaya dialect, informant Warren Gazzam). Related to the verb pˈeˑ 'bear fruit / be born' [Shaterian 1983: 338].
Jamul Tiipay:t̪=iː=pˈa-y1
Miller 2001: 13, 18, 22. Polysemy: 'person / Indian'. Etymologically this is a reduced form of mǝt̪=iː=pˈa-y 'Indian' [Miller 2001: 79].
Munro et al. 1992: 122. Glossed as 'rain (noun)'. Cf. ku=vʔaw- 'rain (verb)'. Related to i=vʔaw-m 'stand up / stand / be standing', q.v.
Cocopa:p=ʔa-y1
Crawford 1989: 228. Word class: noun. Derived from p=ʔaː 'rain' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 227] with the suffix -y, frequently used in nominalizations [Crawford 1989: 375]. Related to p=ʔaː 'stand / be standing / stop', q.v.
Yavapai:kˌi=βˈâw-a1
Shaterian 1983: 433, 603. A compound of (ʔ)=kʷˈi 'cloud' and βˈoˑ 'to walk'.
Jamul Tiipay:kʷiː2
Miller 2001: 71. Polysemy: 'cloud / rain'. The word is glossed as 'cloud' on p. 71, but functions as 'rain' in several textual examples, see below. There are two ways to say 'to rain' in Jamul Tiipay: 1) use the verb kʷiː-p 'to mist / rain' [Miller 2001: 22, 137] or 2) use the noun kʷiː with the verb p=ʔaw 'to stand / step / (for rain) to fall' [Miller 2001: 25, 43, 62, 91, 96-97, 109]. Cf. the following examples: 1) kʷiːp ɲa=w=aːr-m puː-č mǝšǝyaːy 'When it's stormy (lit. when it rains a lot), she is frightened' [Miller 2001: 292]; 2) kʷiː pʔaw ɲa=nsuː-km ʔ=aːm-x 'I will leave when the rain stops' [Miller 2001: 49], ...kʷiː pʔaw w=aːr-m '...because it had rained so much' [Miller 2001: 234]; ɲaː ɲa=ʔiːʎ̥ap-čm may kʷiː pʔaw xǝmaːw ɲǝwiː čamʎ̥ sʔaːy 'In the summer, it didn't rain and everithing dried up' [Miller 2001: 234], mǝ=šma ɲa=t̪ǝ=m=wa-čm kʷiː pʔaw 'While you were sleeping, it rained' [Miller 2001: 250].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kʷiy2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Also functions as a verb: 'it rains'. Related to ʔǝ=kʷiːy 'clouds' [ibid.].
Number:65
Word:rain
Mojave:ku-vʔaw2
Cocopa:
Yavapai:kˌi-βˈâw-a2
Jamul Tiipay:
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:
Number:66
Word:red
Mojave:ʔa=hʷat-m ~ ʔa=hʷaːt-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 20. Polysemy: 'be red / bleed / be rusty'.
Cocopa:xʷat1
Crawford 1989: 373. Glossed as 'be red'. Word class: intransitive verb. Related to ɲ=xʷat 'blood', q.v.
Munro et al. 1992: 207. Glossed as 'be round, circular, spherical'. Plural form: yana=yaːn. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to yala=yaːl-m 'be large, flat, and round' [Munro et al. 1992: 206], yera=yer-m 'be small, flat, and circular (of a dish, for instance) / be cut even all around (of hair) / have one's hair cut off even all around' [Munro et al. 1992: 207], yila=yil-m 'be round (of a bottle neck, for example)' [Munro et al. 1992: 207], and yira=yir-m 'be circular' [Munro et al. 1992: 207]. Cf. also ʔoya=ʔoy-m 'be spherical, round like a ball' [Munro et al. 1992: 42].
Cocopa:ɾ=ʔuɾ2
Crawford 1989: 239. Glossed as 'be spherical and large'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Distributive and subject plural: ɾ=ʔuːɾ. For morphological segmentation cf. č=ɾ=a=ʔˈuɾ 'make spherical' [Crawford 1989: 30]. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to l=ʔul 'be small and spherical (up to about eight inches in diameter)' [Crawford 1989: 98] and ʎ=ɲ=ʔuːʎ 'be very small and spherical' [Crawford 1989: 100].
Yavapai:k=l=ʔˈul-k-i #2
Shaterian 1983: 606. This word is found only in the English-Yavapai section of the dictionary together with its sound-symbolic variant q=r=ʔˈur-q-i. Cf. qč=ʔˈóˑl-i 'round (watermelon)' and qč=ʔˈor-i 'round (marbles)', derived from the same root [Shaterian 1983: 406, 606].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=lul2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Polysemy: 'is a round (spherical), small object / ball'. Plural: ʔǝ=luːl-č. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to ʔǝ=ɹuɹ (pl. ʔǝ=ɹuːɹ-č) 'is a round, circular, large object / in a circle' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5].
Number:69
Word:round (2D)2
Mojave:
Cocopa:ɾ=yaɾ1
Crawford 1989: 238. Glossed as 'be circular, round and flat, or full (as moon)'. Word class: intransitive verb. Variant: ɾ=yal (only in reference to moon). Distributive and subject plural: ɾ=yaːɾ. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to x=yal 'be round and small (as a dinner plate)' [Crawford 1989: 371]. Related to yaɾ ʔi 'rotate, flat roundish objects to move through the air (as chips from a tree being cut)' [Crawford 1989: 378].
Yavapai:
Jamul Tiipay:yǝr=yˈar1
Miller 2001: 16, 76. Glossed as 'to be circular'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:yaɹǝ=yaɹ #1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 57. Polysemy: 'is circular, round and flat (large object) / goes around'. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to yarǝ=yar 'is circular, round and flat (small object)' [ibid.]. Alternative candidate: t̪ǝpǝčuːɹ-p 'is round, a circle (e.g., wagon wheel)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 46].
Number:70
Word:sand
Mojave:ʔamat=saʎʔay ~ saʎʔay1
Munro et al. 1992: 26. Polysemy: 'sand / sandbar'. Literally 'sandy earth', cf. saʎʔay- 'be sandy' [Munro et al. 1992: 160]. For ʔamat, see 'earth'.
Shaterian 1983: 374, 474, 522, 607. Polysemy: 'sand / gravel'. A compound whose first component is probably ʔ=hˈá 'water'.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:mǝs=xaɹaːy1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 33.
Number:71
Word:say
Mojave:i-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 83. Polysemy: 'say / be going to (do something) / be about to (do something) / want, intend, try to (do something) / call, mean, indicate (someone, something) / do, be, act (used with a preceding word specifying the state or behavior)'. Ablaut form: e-. Plural form: iː-č-. Cf. i=ʔiː-m 'say / be about to (do something) / want, try to (do something) / say about, mean, indicate / do, be in a communicative fashion (when used following another verb, this word may not be translated into English)' (ablaut form: e=ʔe-, plural form: i=ʔiː-č-) [Munro et al. 1992: 83-84] - apparently a variant of the same word. Secondary synonym: ča=ka=na- 'say / announce' [Munro et al. 1992: 58] (related to ku=naː-v-k ~ ka=naː-v-k 'talk, tell' [Munro et al. 1992: 121]).
Cocopa:ʔi1
Crawford 1989: 398. Glossed as 'say, perform a verbal action'. Word class: transitive verb. 3rd person animate form: ʔa (=aːʔˈa with object prefixes, except reflexive). 3rd person inanimate form: ʔu=ʔi.
Yavapai:ʔˈi(ˑ)1
Shaterian 1983: 89, 412, 607. Personal forms: 1 sg. ʔ=ʔˈi, 2 sg. m=ˈi, 3 sg. ʔˈi. Absence of the glottal stop in the 2nd singular form is unexpected.
Munro et al. 1992: 105. Polysemy: 'sit / live / be in / go down, set (of the sun)'. Suppletive plural form: i=ðaw-.
Cocopa:wa1
Crawford 1989: 325. Glossed as 'sit, be in a sitting position'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=wˈa. Distributive plural: waː. Distinct from p=wa 'sit down, move to a sitting position' [Crawford 1989: 224], ɲaːk ʔi 'sit down, move to a sitting position' [Crawford 1989: 158]. Cf. also ɲiː č=ʔur 'sit down, sit (as in a chair)' [Crawford 1989: 41].
Yavapai:wˈa1
Shaterian 1983: 522, 611. The verb is properly glossed as 'sit, dwell (singular subject)' [Shaterian 1983: 65-66, 121]. Secondary synonyms: tɲˈéˑβ-i 'sit, keep still' [Shaterian 1983: 360, 611] and βɲˈa(ˑ)ɲʔ-i 'sit, sit down' [Shaterian 1983: 439, 498, 611].
Jamul Tiipay:wa #1
Miller 2001: 59, 138. Polysemy: 'to be sitting / be located'. Alternative candidate: nak 'to sit down / stop' [Miller 2001: 90, 93, 97, 285]. The following example shows that nak can be used in a durative sense: 'We are sitting (naːk) here and trying to teach each other things'. Cf. also the verb t̪ǝ=wˈa 'be sitting / be located (squat object) / be located (neutral) / to stay' that may be used as main verb, but functions also as a "locational auxiliary" [Miller 2001: 281].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=n̪ak2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'sits'. Plural: pǝ=n̪ak. Secondary synonym: ǝ=waː (pl. nʸǝ=way) 'is located, sitting, situated, is there (can be said only of a person, animal, or chunky object)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 18].
Number:75
Word:skin
Mojave:čaθ=kʷil1
Munro et al. 1992: 61. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / hide'. Cf. also iːmaːt čaθkʷil 'skin / scalp (noun)' (iːmaːt 'body') [Munro et al. 1992: 94]. Related to nuθ=kʷil 'bark (of a tree)' [Munro et al. 1992: 145].
Cocopa:ɲ=kʷ=ʔaɬ1
Crawford 1989: 179. Polysemy: 'skin / hide'. Word class: noun. 3rd person possessive form: ɲ=ɲ=kʷ=a=ʔˈaɬ. Derived from kʷ=ʔaɬ 'leather / hide / rubber' [Crawford 1989: 90] with animate possessive prefix ɲ=.
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21. Glossed as 'sleeps'. Plural: pǝ=xǝma-č.
Number:77
Word:small
Mojave:i=čʔaw-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 85. Glossed as 'be little, small'. Plural form: i=čʔoː-č-. Cf. also i=šʔaw-m 'be little, be small', related to i=čʔaw-k [Munro et al. 1992: 103], natqoʎ-k 'be small' (plural subject only, song word) [Munro et al. 1992: 144], nišquʎ-k 'be small' (plural subject only) [Munro et al. 1992: 144].
Cocopa:ʔiʎ=čˈaš2
Crawford 1989: 400. Glossed as 'be small'. Word class: intransitive verb. Variant: ʎ=čaš. For morphological segmentation cf. ʎ=a=čˈaš 'one who is small' [Crawford 1989: 98]. Secondary synonym: ɾ=maʂ 'be young or little' [Crawford 1989: 237].
Yavapai:kˈeč3
Shaterian 1983: 383, 580. The word has sound-symbolic variants kˈič, kˈač, qˈač and qˈe(ˑ)č. According to [Shaterian 1983: 158], "/kíči/ is smaller than /qéči/, which in turn is smaller than /qači/".
Jamul Tiipay:ʎǝ=pˈiš4
Miller 2001: 17, 59, 108. Glossed as 'to be small'. Suppletive plural stem: ʎǝ=mˈaš [Miller 2001: 16, 59, 108].
Crawford 1989: 372. Polysemy: 'smoke / steam'. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:ʔˌo=hʷˈay-a1
Shaterian 1983: 425, 476, 613. The first part of this compound is ʔ=ʔˈó 'fire', the second is related to the verb hʷˈá(ˑ)y-i 'purify with smoke' [Shaterian 1983: 475, 600].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔuː=xuy1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6. Related to the verb uː=xuy 'smokes (of a fire)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 50].
Number:79
Word:stand
Mojave:i=vʔaw-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 105. Polysemy: 'stand up / stand / be standing'. Plural form: uː=vʔoː-.
Cocopa:p=ʔaː1
Crawford 1989: 227. Polysemy: 'stand / be standing / stop'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: =p=u=ʔˈaː.
Yavapai:β=skʷˈi(ˑ)2
Shaterian 1983: 396, 437, 452, 617. Glossed as 'stand up'. Derived from skʷˈí 'stand up (transitive)' [Shaterian 1983: 162] with the inchoative/punctual prefix β=. Cf. also tkˈéˑβ-i '(we) stand up' [Shaterian 1983: 357, 617].
Jamul Tiipay:p=ʔaw1
Miller 2001: 25, 43, 62, 91, 96-97, 109. Polysemy: 'to stand / step / (for rain) to fall'. Plural stem: p=u=ʔˈaːw [Miller 2001: 108]. Cf. also the verb t̪=yaw 'be standing / be located (tall object)' that may be used as main verb, but functions also as a "locational auxiliary" [Miller 2001: 281].
Munro et al. 1992: 74. Polysemy: 'star / daisy-like plant with purple and white flowers / type of weed whose leaves and shoots are eaten roasted'. Cf. ʔamʔuse 'star (song word)' [Munro et al. 1992: 22].
Cocopa:kʷ=ʎ̥ap2
Crawford 1989: 80. Polysemy: 'star / that which is hot'. Word class: noun. Derived from the verb ʎ̥ap 'to be hot' with the nominalizer kʷ=.
Yavapai:hˌam(m)sˈíˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 447, 463, 484, 617.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:kʷǝ=n̪mǝsaːp3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 29. Glossed as 'star(s)'. Nominalization of the form n̪ǝmǝsap 'all night, until dawn' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 34], connected by rules of sound-symbolism to the verb n̪ǝmǝʂap (pl. n̪ǝmǝʂaːp) 'is white, light-colored, gray' [ibid.].
Number:81
Word:stone
Mojave:ʔa=viː1
Munro et al. 1992: 35. Polysemy: 'rock / mountain / money'. Short form: viː.
Cocopa:xuːɾ2
Crawford 1989: 370. Polysemy: 'rock / gravel / pebble / boulder'. Word class: noun. Secondary synonym: wiː 'metal / knife / rock / mountain' [Crawford 1989: 335]. Examination of contexts shows that wiː denotes a very large boulder or rock [Crawford 1983: 104-107, 322-327, 410-411, 466-469, 472-473], whereas xuːɾ is an average-size stone that one can pick up and throw [Crawford 1983: 112-113, 178-179].
Munro et al. 1992: 16. Plural forms: ʔa=ha-ʎ a=ʔoːp-č-, ʔa=ha-ʎ t=uː=ʔuːp-, ʔa=ha-ʎ t=uː=ʔuːp-č-. ʔa=ha-ʎ is the locative case form of 'water' (q.v.), used as a particle before certain verbs. Secondary synonym: uː=ʔoːp-k 'dive, swim' (derived from the same root) [Munro et al. 1992: 189].
Cocopa:xaʎ̥ nup2
Crawford 1989: 341. Polysemy: 'swim / bathe'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: xa-ʎ̥ ʔu=nˈup. Consists of xa-ʎ̥ 'in the water' and nup 'be all the way in' [Crawford 1989: 151]. Secondary synonym: xa kʔaːm 'swim' [Crawford 1989: 340]. Cocopa texts in [Crawford 1983] show that xaʎ̥ nup is the most frequent synonym for 'to swim'.
Yavapai:ʔhˌa...θpˈuˑyi3
Shaterian 1983: 337, 445, 461, 473, 621. Polysemy: 'bathe / swim / wash oneself'. Contains ʔ=hˈá 'water'. Distinct from ʔhˌačˈâːβk yˈâki ~ ʔhˌačˈâˑβk yˈaki 'float / swim' [Shaterian 1983: 379, 472, 621], literally 'lie on top of the water'.
Jamul Tiipay:xa=nˈup2
Miller 2001: 75. Polysemy: 'to bathe / swim'. xa= is an incorporated element related to noun xa 'water' q.v.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:aː=puɬ4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 8. Glossed as 'swims'. Plural: a=čǝ=puːɬ.
Number:84
Word:tail
Mojave:iː=ʔar1
Munro et al. 1992: 83.
Cocopa:š=yuʎ̥2
Crawford 1989: 313. Word class: noun. According to [Crawford 1989: 383], derived from yuʎ̥ 'insert something long, something long to penetrate'. Cf. also š=iː=yˈuʎ̥ 'handle (e.g., of a cup)' [Crawford 1989: 299].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 23. Glossed as 'his tail'.
Number:85
Word:that
Mojave:hova-č1
Munro et al. 1992: 79; Munro 1976: 29-32. Glossed as 'that / that one / he / she / it'. Object form: hova-ɲ. According to [Munro 1976: 29], Mojave has three demonstrative stems: viða-, hova-, and ɲa-. The difference between them can be summarized as follows: viða- "refers to things or people near the speaker", hova- - "to things further off", ɲa- is "the neutral demonstrative, generally used to refer to definite items for which a clear context has already been established within the discourse", it "does not specify anything about its referent's location" [ibid.].
Cocopa:ʂuː- ~ ʔu=ʂˈuː-2
Crawford 1989: 284. Word class: pronoun. Cocopa has a ternary system of demonstrative pronouns: piː- 'this nearby', puː- 'that nearby', and ʂuː- 'that far away' [Crawford 1966: 109].
Yavapai:ɲ=θˈa- #3
Shaterian 1983: 499, 506, 623. Example: ɲθˈá mˈátl mčˈáˑyβkm 'there's hunger in that land' [Shaterian 1983: 506]. Another candidate is ɲˈu- 'that' [Shaterian 1983: 498, 623].
Jamul Tiipay:puː4
Miller 2001: 151. Jamul Tiipay has a three-way distinction among demonstrative pronouns: pǝyˈa 'this one, these (right here)', ɲip 'that one, those (middle distance)', puː 'that one, those (farther away)'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:puː4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 40. Polysemy: 'that / that one / him / her / it'. Secondary synonym: nʸip 'that (right close) that you can see' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 36]. The basic opposition in the Mesa Grande demonstrative system is between pǝyaː (pl. pǝya-p) 'this' and puː (pl. pu-p) 'that'. According to [Langdon 1970: 146], "[a] third demonstrative nʸip 'that (other) one' is used much less frequently, does not have a plural form, and its use in Mesa Grande dialect may well be a case of dialect mixture, as it seems to be of much more frequent occurrence in adjoining dialects.".
Number:86
Word:this
Mojave:viða-č1
Munro et al. 1992: 200; Munro 1976: 29-32. Glossed as 'this / this one / he / she / it'. Object form: viða-ɲ. For further notes, see 'that'.
Cocopa:piː ~ ʔu=pˈiː1
Crawford 1989: 212. Word class: pronoun. See notes on 'that'.
Yavapai:βyˈa- #1
Shaterian 1983: 440, 513, 624. Another candidate is ɲ=βˈa- 'this' [Shaterian 1983: 499].
Jamul Tiipay:pǝyˈa1
Miller 2001: 151. Jamul Tiipay has a three-way distinction among demonstrative pronouns: pǝyˈa 'this one, these (right here)', ɲip 'that one, those (middle distance)', puː 'that one, those (farther away)'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:pǝyaː1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 39. Glossed as 'this (one)'.
Crawford 1989: 123. Polysemy: 'thou / you (plural)'. Word class: pronoun. Object form: ma-pˈu-ɲ. Formally, -pˈu- is the root with the meaning 'nearby' [Crawford 1966: 107].
Yavapai:mˈaː-č1
Shaterian 1983: 479, 639. Singular subject form.
Jamul Tiipay:maː-č1
Miller 2001: 150. Subject form. Absolute form: maː-p ~ mˈaː-pa.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:maː1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 30. Glossed as 'you'.
Number:88
Word:tongue
Mojave:iː=paʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 99.
Cocopa:m=paʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 141. Word class: noun. m= is a desemanticized prefix [Crawford 1989: 116].
Miller 2001: 21, 28, 78, 80-81. The word for 'tongue' is xǝ=n=pˈaɬ in the speech of the main informant (Mrs. Walker), but xǝ=n=pˈaʎ̥ in the speech of another informant, Mrs. Dumas [Miller 2001: 28].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=n̪ǝ=paɬ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his tongue'.
Number:89
Word:tooth
Mojave:iː=ðoː1
Munro et al. 1992: 88. Short form: ðoː.
Cocopa:ʔi=yˈa1
Crawford 1989: 409. Polysemy: 'mouth / language / tooth / lip'. Word class: noun. The synchronic polysemy 'mouth / tooth' is apparently a result of a phonetic coincidence (and/or contamination) of two separate Proto-Yuman roots: 'mouth / language' and 'tooth'. There is a variant form ʔi=yˌa-wˈiː 'tooth / front teeth' [Crawford 1989: 410]. It is apparently a compound of ʔi=yˈa 'tooth' and wiː 'metal / knife / rock / mountain' (formerly 'stone'), introduced to reduce homonymy.
Yavapai:yˈoˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 516, 517, 626.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=yaːw1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 18. Glossed as 'his tooth, teeth'.
Number:90
Word:tree
Mojave:
Not attested properly. Cf., however, ʔa=ʔiː 'wood / firewood'. The following entries from the dictionary suggest that this word may refer to 'tree' as well: ʔaʔiː čakik 'nut tree', ʔaʔiː tapluːqas 'branch of a tree' [Munro et al. 1992: 13].
Cocopa:ʔayˈaː1
Crawford 1989: 395. Polysemy: 'willow (Salix spp.) / tree'. Word class: noun. Distinct from ʔiː 'wood' [Crawford 1989: 399].
Munro et al. 1992: 77. Glossed as 'be two / be with / be married to'. As noted in [Munro 1976: 106], "Mojave numerals are all underlyingly verbs".
Cocopa:x=wak1
Crawford 1989: 371. Glossed as 'be two'. Word class: intransitive verb. For the morphological segmentation cf. the derived noun x=aː=wˈak 'twins' [Crawford 1989: 347].
Yavapai:hwˈâk-i1
Shaterian 1983: 470, 523, 628.
Jamul Tiipay:xǝ=wˈak1
Miller 2001: 16, 68, 98, 123, 312-313, 341. Polysemy: 'to be two / be two with'. The word for 'two' is xǝ=wˈak in the speech of the main informant (Mrs. Walker), but x=wak in the speech of another informant, Mrs. Dumas [Miller 2001: 25].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝ=wak1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 23. Glossed as 'are two'.
Number:92
Word:walk (go)
Mojave:i=ye-m-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 110. Polysemy: 'go / leave'. Plural forms: ta=ye-m-, ta=ye-m-č-. Secondary synonym: i=yaː-k 'go / fetch, go after' (related to i=ye-m-k). Plural forms: i=yaː-č-, aweː-č-. [Munro et al. 1992: 109].
Cocopa:ʔaː1
Crawford 1989: 385-386. Glossed as 'go, move in space or time away from a point of reference'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: w=a.
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 53. Glossed as 'goes'. Plural: n̪=aː. Distinct from w=amp (pl. ǝw=amp) 'walks' [ibid.].
Number:93
Word:warm (hot)
Mojave:i=piʎ-k ~ i=piːʎ-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 99. Glossed as 'be hot'. Plural form: i=piʎ-č-. Distinct from i=piːɲ- ~ i=piɲ- 'be warm' (plural form: i=piːɲ-č-) [Munro et al. 1992: 99].
Cocopa:ʎ̥ap2
Crawford 1989: 103. Polysemy: 'be hot or heated / have a fever'. Word class: intransitive verb. Distinct from piɲ 'be warm' [Crawford 1989: 214].
Yavapai:(ʔ)=rˈu-(y)i3
Shaterian 1983: 511, 571. Glossed as 'hot'. Related to 'dry' q.v. Distinct from mwˈe 'warm' [Shaterian 1983: 487, 521, 631].
Jamul Tiipay:ʎ̥ap2
Miller 2001: 76, 94, 130, 240. Glossed as 'to be hot / burn (intr.)'. Distinct from pin 'to be warm' [Miller 2001: 126, 138].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=ɹaːw3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 55. Glossed as 'is hot'. Distinct from pin̪ǝ=piːn̪ 'is lukewarm, tepid' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 40].
Number:94
Word:water
Mojave:ʔa=ha1
Munro et al. 1992: 15. Short form: ha. Secondary synonym: ʔa=ha-vir ~ ha-vir 'stream / river / water' (a compound of ʔa=ha 'water' and i=ves- (pl. va=ʔa=ver) 'run') [Munro et al. 1992: 18, 106].
Crawford 1989: 96. Polysemy: 'something / someone / what / who'. Word class: pronoun. Another candidate is luːp 'something / someone / what / who' [Crawford 1989: 96]. According to [Crawford 1989: 96], luːɲ "[h]as a more specific reference than" luːp. The difference between the two pronouns can be illustrated by the following examples: luːɲ kayˈumm '(I wonder) what it was that happened', luːp kayˈumm '(I wonder) if something happened'; luːɲ kayˈu ʔač ʔam 'what did he say is happening?', luːp kayˈu ʔač ʔam 'did he say something happened?'. However, in many cases both luːɲ and luːp are translated as 'what / who': luːɲč ʔuyˈum 'who is he?', luːpč ʔuyˈum 'who is he?' [Crawford 1989: 96].
Yavapai:kˈa-β3
Shaterian 1983: 385, 634. Polysemy: 'what? / how?'. Example: mčtˈáɲ kˌaβ ʔˈíʔ 'what did your father say?' [Shaterian 1983: 117]. -β is a demonstrative suffix [Shaterian 1983: 106-107].
Jamul Tiipay:maːyˈiːč4
Miller 2001: 174. Polysemy: 'what? / something / anything'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔuːč5
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6.
Number:97
Word:white
Mojave:ɲa=ma=sav-1
Munro et al. 1992: 148. Glossed as 'be white'.
Cocopa:xm=aːʎ̥2
Crawford 1989: 358. Glossed as 'be white'. Word class: intransitive verb. There are two third person forms with slightly different meanings, cf. qʷaqš xm=w=aʎ̥ 'the horse is pale yellow or off-white', qʷaqš x=u=mˈaːʎ̥ 'the horse is (pure) white (as if painted white)'. Therefore, synchronically the root vacillates between =aːʎ̥ and =maːʎ̥.
Yavapai:(ɲ)=m=sˈaβ-i1
Shaterian 1983: 500, 635. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to ɲ=m=θˈaβ-i 'grey' [Shaterian 1983: 500, 566]. Cf. sˈaβ-a 'white' [Shaterian 1983: 449].
Crawford 1989: 96. Polysemy: 'something / someone / what / who'. Word class: pronoun. Another candidate is luːp 'something / someone / what / who' [Crawford 1989: 96]. According to [Crawford 1989: 96], luːɲ "[h]as a more specific reference than" luːp. The difference between the two pronouns can be illustrated by the following examples: luːɲ kayˈumm '(I wonder) what it was that happened', luːp kayˈumm '(I wonder) if something happened'; luːɲ kayˈu ʔač ʔam 'what did he say is happening?', luːp kayˈu ʔač ʔam 'did he say something happened?'. However, in many cases both luːɲ and luːp are translated as 'what / who': luːɲč ʔuyˈum 'who is he?', luːpč ʔuyˈum 'who is he?' [Crawford 1989: 96]. Cf. also makˈa- 'unspecified or indefinite person, place, direction, object, etc.', "[s]ometimes interchangeable with" luːɲ: makˈač myuč 'who are you?', makˈač ʔuyˈum 'who is he?' [Crawford 1989: 119].
Yavapai:β=kˈa1
Shaterian 1983: 435, 635. Example: βkaʔ mʔˈúːʔ 'who(m) do you see?' [Shaterian 1983: 105]. β= is a demonstrative prefix [Shaterian 1983: 106].
Jamul Tiipay:mǝʔˈap3
Miller 2001: 174. Polysemy: 'who? / someone'. The word for 'who? / someone' is mǝʔˈap in the speech of the main informant (Mrs. Walker), but map (a reduced form of mǝʔˈap) in the speech of another informant, Mrs. Dumas.
Munro et al. 1992: 188. Polysemy: 'woman (one who has borne a child) / female (of any species)'. Plural form: θiɲa=č=ʔaːk. Distinct from ma=sa=hay 'young woman / woman of any age who has not had children' [Munro et al. 1992: 133]. According to [Munro et al. 1992: 188], "[s]ome speakers say a thinya'aak is a woman who has lost a child".
Cocopa:s=ʔak1
Crawford 1989: 260. Glossed as 'woman, female who has given birth to a child'. Word class: noun. Plural form: s=ʔaːk. For the morphological segmentation cf. the derived verb s=iː=ʔˈak 'be or become a woman' [Crawford 1989: 245].
Yavapai:βqˈí ~ pqˈí #2
Shaterian 1983: 435, 637. Polysemy: 'woman / female'. Plural form: βqˈúˑy-a ~ pqˈúˑy-a. Another candidate is msˈí 'woman' [Shaterian 1983: 447, 484, 637], related to msˈîy-a 'maiden' [Shaterian 1983: 484, 583]. In [Shaterian 1983: 435] βqˈí is marked as Northeastern Yavapai and Southeastern Yavapai. Could this mean that msˈí 'woman' is peculiar to Western (Tolkapaya) Yavapai?
Jamul Tiipay:ɲǝ=č=ʔˈak1
Miller 2001: 80, 115, 360. Plural from: ɲǝ=č=ʔˈaːk [Miller 2001: 115]. The word for 'woman' is ɲǝ=č=ʔˈak in the speech of the main informant (Mrs. Walker), but č=ʔak ~ č=ak in the speech of another informant, Mrs. Dumas [Miller 2001: 360].
Munro et al. 1992: 31. Polysemy: 'be yellow / be ripe'. Plural form: ʔa=qʷaːθ-č-.
Cocopa:qʷaʂ1
Crawford 1989: 233. Polysemy: 'be yellow / light-complexioned'. Word class: intransitive verb. Related to qʷaʂ 'pus' and (by sound-symbolic alternation) to qʷaš 'be brown' [Crawford 1989: 234].
Yavapai:(ʔ)=qʷˈaθ-i1
Shaterian 1983: 409, 639. Variant form: ʔ=qʷˈas-i (Tolkapaya dialect, informant Warren Gazzam). Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to (ʔ)=kʷˈaθ-i 'brown' [Shaterian 1983: 398, 539].
Jamul Tiipay:kʷas1
Miller 2001: 137. Glossed as 'to be yellow'. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kʷaš 'to be brown' [Miller 2001: 137].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kʷas1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Glossed as 'is yellow'.
Number:101
Word:far
Mojave:ʔa=miːč-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 28. Polysemy: 'be far away, too far away / be too long, too much / do too much'.
Cocopa:kuɾ2
Crawford 1989: 64. Glossed as 'be distant in space or time'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Variant: kuɾ ʔi (ʔi is an auxiliary verb) [Crawford 1989: 65]. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kuʎ̥ 'be long', q.v.
Yavapai:twˈay-i ~ twˈaˑy-i3
Shaterian 1983: 361, 552. Glossed as 'distant'. Example: hlˈâh twˈayi wˈâkm 'the moon is far away' [Shaterian 1983: 109]. Cf. kˈúr-m 'very far' [Shaterian 1983: 388, 630].
Jamul Tiipay:kur2
Miller 2001: 17, 125. Glossed as 'to be far'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kuɹ2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Polysemy: 'is distant / far / long (time)'.
Number:102
Word:heavy
Mojave:i=neːh- ~ i=neːθ-1
Munro et al. 1992: 98. Glossed as 'be heavy'. Plural form: i=niːh-.
Cocopa:ɲix1
Crawford 1989: 175. Glossed as 'be heavy'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=ɲˈix. Subject plural: ɲiːx.
Crawford 1989: 365. Glossed as 'be near, in the vicinity of'. Word class: transitive verb. 3rd person form: xɾ=u=pˈay [Crawford 1983: 591]. Subject and distributive plural: xɾ=paːy [Crawford 1989: 366].
Yavapai:i=pˈé #2
Shaterian 1983: 338, 459, 589. Another candidate is tyˈeˑ ~ tyˈeˑ-β-i 'near' [Shaterian 1983: 360, 589].
Jamul Tiipay:xǝʎ=pˈay2
Miller 2001: 59. Glossed as 'to be nearby'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝlʸǝ=pay2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21. Glossed as 'is near'.
Number:104
Word:salt
Mojave:ʔa=θ=ʔiː1
Munro et al. 1992: 33.
Cocopa:ʂ=ʔiɾ2
Crawford 1989: 290. Word class: noun. For morphological segmentation cf. the derived transitive verb ʂ=č=a=ʔˈiɾ 'salt, make salty' [Crawford 1989: 271]. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to ʂ=ʔiʎ̥ 'be sour or salty (as water, vinegar, lemon, grapefruit, salt, soured milk)' [Crawford 1989: 290].
Yavapai:ʔ=θˈiˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 441, 607.
Jamul Tiipay:saːl #-1
Miller 2001: 345. A Spanish loanword. It is not clear whether Jamul Tiipay has a native word for 'salt'. Cf. the verb sǝʔˈiʎ̥ 'to be salty' [Miller 2001: 20, 78].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=silʸ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5.
Number:105
Word:short
Mojave:wena=wen- #1
Munro et al. 1992: 203. Glossed as 'be short'. Other possible candidates include ta=ʔwen-k 'be short' (plural form: ta=t=ʔwaːn-) [Munro et al. 1992: 169] and ʔata=wen-k 'be short, low' (plural form: ʔata=t=waːn-) [Munro et al. 1992: 33]. All these words have the same root =wen-.
Cocopa:xʎ=ʔut2
Crawford 1989: 355. Glossed as 'be short'. Word class: intransitive verb. Distributive and subject plural xʎ=ʔuːt. For morphological segmentation cf. the derived transitive verb č=xʎ=a=ʔˈut 'shorten' [Crawford 1989: 38].
Yavapai:čkr=ˈot-i2
Shaterian 1983: 371, 394, 610.
Jamul Tiipay:lǝ=ʔˈuɲ1
Miller 2001: 20, 58. Glossed as 'to be short'. On p. 20, this word is glossed as 'to be short (said of a dress)', but the following example shows that the use of lǝ=ʔˈuɲ is not restricted to dress: 'His legs are very short (lǝ=ʔˈuɲ) and he can't reach the clutch pedal' [Miller 2001: 291].
Munro et al. 1992: 35. Polysemy: 'snake / rattlesnake'.
Cocopa:ʔa=wˈi #1
Crawford 1989: 392. Glossed as 'rattlesnake (Crotalus spp.)'. Word class: noun. There is no general word for 'snake' in [Crawford 1989]. Nevertheless, we tentatively choose ʔa=wˈi for two reasons. First, in some textual examples this word is translated simply as 'snake' [Crawford 1989: 252, 264, 331]. Second, ʔa=wˈi functions as a first part of compounds denoting various kinds of snakes: ʔawˌi=kʷˈaw 'a nonpoisonous snake. Probably Sonora lyre snake (Trimorphodon lambda)', ʔawˌi=ɲˈiːɾ 'unidentified black poisonous snake', ʔawˈi yačˈaːč 'a nonpoisonous reddish snake. Two to three feet long. Possibly a king snake' [Crawford 1989: 393].
Munro et al. 1992: 42. Glossed as 'be thin, skinny'. Plural form: ʔuːhʔaːr-č-. Other canditates include: ʔaraθaw-m 'be thin, see-through (of cloth or paper)' [Munro et al. 1992: 32], kala=kal-m 'be skinny, thin (of mesquite beans, for instance)' [Munro et al. 1992: 113], mena=men-m 'be long and thin' (plural form: mina=miːn-) [Munro et al. 1992: 140], reva=rev i-m 'be thin, be shiny (of fabric, for instance)' [Munro et al. 1992: 158].
Cocopa:ɾʂaːw2
Crawford 1989: 238. Glossed as 'be thin (as paper or, for some speakers, as hair)'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Cf. also l=ʔil 'be thin and cylindrical or long and thin with square sides' [Crawford 1989: 97].
Yavapai:θˈéq-i3
Shaterian 1983: 442, 624. Related to θˈéq-a 'leaf', q.v.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly. The plural stem wirʔˈiːr 'be thin' occurs only in the following textual example: 'Their children had something wrong with them, and for that reason, they were skinny (wirʔˈiːr), they say...' [Miller 2001: 178, 332]. The relation of this plural stem to wirʔˈir 'to be stiff' [Miller 2001: 63] is unclear.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=kʷiːɹ-p4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'is thin'.
Number:108
Word:wind
Mojave:mata=ha ~ mat=ha1
Munro et al. 1992: 138.
Cocopa:č=xa1
Crawford 1989: 37. Polysemy: 'wind / air / a Cocopa totem'. Word class: noun. According to Crawford, an initial /m/ has been recently lost in this word: W. H. Kelly ("Cocopa Ethnography", Tucson, 1977) records mitsha for the wind totem. Cf. the derived verb č=iː=xˈa-y 'be windy, wind to blow' [Crawford 1989: 24].
Miller 2001: 78-79, 360. According to [Miller 2001: 78], a compound of mat 'earth / land / place' and xa 'water'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:yaːy-p2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56. Polysemy: 'wind / is windy / wind is blowing'. Another derivate from this root is ku=yaːy-p 'the wind' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 28].
Number:109
Word:worm
Mojave:i=ʔˈiːʎ-va1
Munro et al. 1992: 84. Polysemy: 'worm / maggot'. Derived from the verb i=ʔiːʎ-v-m 'have worms', itself derived from i=ʔiːʎ, preserved in ɲ=i=ʔiːʎ 'head louse' (q.v.) and hatčoq iʔiːʎ 'tick (insect)' (hatčoq 'dog') [Munro et al. 1992: 76].
Cocopa:ma=ʔˈiːʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 130. Polysemy: 'worm / maggot / rice'. Word class: noun. Related to ʔi=ʔˈiʎ̥ 'head lice' (see 'louse').
Munro et al. 1992: 78. Polysemy: 'year / age / last year'.
Cocopa:mˌat-kˈaːm2
Crawford 1989: 125. Word class: noun. This is a compound, whose first part is identical to mat 'earth', q.v. Its second part, kˈ=aː-m, is a verbal form, consisting of a prefix k= with unknown meaning, the root aː ~ʔaː 'to go' and the directional suffix -m 'away'. The verb mˌatkʔˈaːm 'be of a certain age, be so many years old' (3rd person mˌatkwˈam) [Crawford 1989: 125] shows that k= is indeed a prefix (third person prefix w= immediately precedes the root). The same k=ʔˈaː-m is found in xa k=ʔaː-m 'swim' [Crawford 1989: 340] (literally, 'go in water'?).
Yavapai:ʔ=čʰˈur-a3
Shaterian 1983: 369, 639. Related to ʔ=čʰˈuˑr-i 'winter' [Shaterian 1983: 369, 637].
Jamul Tiipay:mat-wˈam2
Miller 2001: 28, 78-79. A compound of mat 'earth / land / place' and w=aːm 'it goes away'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔaːnʸ-1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 1. Borrowed from Spanish año.